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Rejecting the argument that “in essence, Ho Chi Minh’s ideology is nationalism”

As the public denial of the revolutionary and scientific nature of Marxism-Leninism and Ho Chi Minh’s ideology has gradually lost its logical ground and proven to be ineffective, recently, hostile forces, reactionary elements, and political opportunists have resorted to a different tactic to undermine the Vietnamese revolution. This tactic involves using certain historical events to make distorted claims in an attempt to prove that “in essence, Ho Chi Minh’s ideology is nationalism”. Their ultimate goal is to create a rift between Ho Chi Minh’s ideology and Marxism-Leninism, thereby undermining the ideological foundation of our Party. This is an illogical argument that must be firmly refuted.

From the realisation that the ideological foundation of our Party cannot be undermined by fanatically denying the scientific and revolutionary essence of Marxism-Leninism and Ho Chi Minh's thought, especially when this ideological system is increasingly aligning with contemporary developments, hostile forces have resorted to various other deceptive tactics. One of their recent stratagems is to contrast Ho Chi Minh’s ideology with Marxism-Leninism, leveraging historical events and employing the familiar technique of “twisting black into white” to manipulate public opinion, asserting that “in essence, Ho Chi Minh’s ideology is nationalism”. For instance, they cite President Ho Chi Minh’s visit to the Soviet Union to meet with I.V. Stalin, General Secretary of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, in late 1952 and claim that “I.V. Stalin accused Ho Chi Minh of pursuing nationalism”. More explicitly, they refer to the event that the Third International ordered Comrade Nguyen Ai Quoc to travel to Guangzhou, China, to merge communist organisations and establish the Indochinese Communist Party, but the outcome of the conference led to the formation of the Vietnam Communist Party (February 3, 1930), attempting to argue that “The establishment of the Communist Party of Vietnam (February 3, 1930) proves that Ho Chi Minh’s ideology is essentially nationalism”. Furthermore, they “pretend” to acknowledge President Ho Chi Minh’s contributions to the struggle for the liberation of the Vietnamese nation to downplay and incite the rejection of Marxist-Leninist ideology, asserting that the Vietnam Communist Party’s adoption of Marxism-Leninism and Ho Chi Minh’s ideology as the ideological foundation and guiding principles for all actions is inappropriate because these are two entirely opposing ideologies, etc. However, historical facts prove the opposite. Throughout his revolutionary career, Ho Chi Minh consistently stood with the working class, and creatively applied and developed Marxist-Leninist principles in the reality of the revolution in Vietnam. His ideology is “an in-depth and comprehensive system of viewpoints on fundamental issues of the Vietnamese revolution; it is the result of the creative application and development of Marxism-Leninism in the specific condition of our country; it inherited and advanced the nation’s traditional values, and also absorbed the essence of human culture. It is an invaluable intellectual asset of our Party and People, forever guiding our people’s revolutionary cause to the ultimate victory, and completely distinct from the distorted allegations of nationalist ideology made by the hostile forces.

First, the drive that motivated the young Nguyen Tat Thanh to embark on a quest to save his nation and embrace Marxism-Leninism was patriotism, not nationalism. Patriotism involves emotions, feelings, and a positive affection for one’s homeland and nation. In contrast, “nationalism is the psychology, ideology, worldview, and policies that favour one’s own nation over others, exalt one’s own nation, incite animosity towards others, and promote racial enmity”. The fundamental difference between patriotism and nationalism lies in this: patriots take pride in their country for what it rightfully deserves, while nationalists take pride in their country regardless of anything (even committing crimes against other nations), which is a blind and extreme form of pride. In the article “The Path that Led Me to Leninism,” published in the Nhan Dan newspaper (April 22, 1960), President Ho Chi Minh affirmed: “Initially, it was patriotism, not yet communism, that made me believe in Lenin, believe in the Third International. Step by step, in the struggle, while studying Marxism-Leninism and engaging in practical work, I gradually came to understand that only socialism, only communism could liberate the oppressed nations and the working people worldwide from slavery”. Starting from his love for his country, and compassion for his compatriots, he developed empathy for nations in similar circumstances and for the working classes suffering in the imperialist countries. This was the driving force behind his quest to save his nation and his embrace of Marxism-Leninism, realising the ideals of national, class and humanity liberation. In an interview with the Youth Magazine (Canada, December 1965), President Ho Chi Minh asserted: “To say that when I was young, I followed “nationalism” might not be accurate. Because back then, I only cared about my fellow countrymen; I didn’t know much about any ‘ism.’ When I went to Africa, I saw that the colonial people there were also suffering, oppressed, and exploited just like the people in Indochina. When I travelled to European countries, I saw that there were some very wealthy people there, “sitting in the shade and eating with golden bowls”, while the working-class people were very impoverished. I thought a lot during that time. It was also when the October Revolution in Russia succeeded magnificently. Lenin organised the Communist International. Then Lenin delivered the Theses on the Colonial Revolution. All these events made me realise that if the labouring people of Indochina, the colonial peoples, and the working people wanted to liberate themselves, they had to unite and carry out a revolution. Therefore, I became a follower of Marxism-Leninism”. So, the process of the formation and development of Ho Chi Minh’s ideology was a long journey, overcoming various challenges. He transformed himself from a patriot to a Marxist-Leninist. It is evident that his primary motivation was his love for his country and compassion for the people, not narrow nationalism or extreme forms of nationalism as propagated by reactionary forces.

Second, Ho Chi Minh consistently stood on the proletarian class viewpoints when approaching and addressing national issues; he was someone who always fought against manifestations of nationalism and rejected bourgeois nationalism and chauvinism within the international communist movement. Throughout Ho Chi Minh’s thinking, the goal and ideal of national independence were always intertwined with socialism. The national question was approached and resolved by him as a driving force to advance the revolutionary cause of national liberation and as a prerequisite for the worldwide socialist revolution. The ideal of national liberation could not be separated from the goal of class liberation and the emancipation of humanity. In his practical revolutionary activities, Ho Chi Minh consistently fought against short-sighted nationalism and great-power chauvinism. At the Conference of Representatives of Communists and Workers’ Parties of Socialist Countries in Moscow from November 14 to 16, 1957, it was Ho Chi Minh who raised the staunchest voice against bourgeois nationalism. He endorsed the Joint Statement of the Conference and emphasised: “The Joint Statement reminds us of the need to strengthen education in the spirit of Marxism-Leninism and to combat opportunistic tendencies such as bourgeois nationalism, chauvinism, dogmatism, and revisionism, especially revisionism”. Therefore, claiming that “In essence, Ho Chi Minh’s ideology is nationalism” is a deliberately misleading argument, overlooking Ho Chi Minh’s class-based stance and perspective when approaching and resolving national issues in Vietnam and denying the inseparable connection between national independence and socialism in his thinking.

Third, Ho Chi Minh was one of the pioneers in defending and advancing the Marxist-Leninist ideology regarding national issues and national unity in relation to humanity, all in pursuit of common goals of justice, progress, and peace. Upon embracing Marxism-Leninism and adopting the perspective that the masses of people are the true creators of history, along with the rallying cry “Workers of the world and oppressed nations, unite!”, Ho Chi Minh recognised the necessity and path to muster and unite the forces of each nation and the world for the complete success of the national liberation struggle. He called for “Workers of all countries, unite!” At the same time, he affirmed, “The revolutionary struggle of the workers in capitalist countries directly assists the oppressed nations in self-liberation because that struggle strikes at the heart of the oppressors... Meanwhile, the revolutionary struggle of colonial and semi-colonial nations directly aids the working class of capitalist countries in the struggle against the ruling classes to free themselves from the yoke of capitalism. The harmony of the struggles against imperialism ensures victory for the colonial and semi-colonial nations and for the working class in capitalist countries”. This was not just a significant contribution by President Ho Chi Minh to the Marxist-Leninist theoretical framework; it also demonstrated his commitment to balancing the rights of nations in their relationship with humanity, with social classes, and with oppressed nations, all for the common goal of building a world of peace, progress, and development. This ideology transcended mere “nationalism” and stood in stark contrast to the malice intentions of hostile forces aimed at undermining our Party’s ideological foundation and pursuing political agendas contrary to national interests.

The Marxist-Leninist ideology and the ideology of Ho Chi Minh have an inseparable dialectical relationship, serving as the ideological foundation and guiding principles for revolutionary actions, “forever illuminating the path for our people’s revolutionary cause to victory”. This is an objective necessity, a historical choice that no rhetoric or force can distort or deny. The argument that “In essence, Ho Chi Minh’s ideology is nationalism” is baseless, and a cunning but lowly tactic. No matter how it is portrayed, it cannot obscure the truth.

Senior Colonel NGUYEN CONG KHUONG - Major NGUYEN DUC CUONG, Military School of the 5th Military Region

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